AGRIWEEK BACKGROUNDER




Each weekly issue of AGRIWEEK includes an editorial commentary by publisher Morris W. Dorosh on a topic of current importance to the agricultural and agribusiness community.

Click on the date to view recent editorials.



February 2 2009
January 19 2009
December 15 2008
December 1 2008
October 20 2008
October 6 2008
September 22 2008
September 15 2008
August 25 2008
August 4 2008
July 21 2008
July 7 2008


FEBRUARY 2 2009

The wheel has gone a full revolution since the Trudeau Dark Age. Deficits were thought to be harmless in the 1960s and ‘70s. By the 1990s their elimination became a national priority, while Paul Martin was finance minister. Now there is an all-out competition among politicians as to who can propose the grandest government spending schemes. Damn the deficit torpedoes.

It is as if a fever were sweeping the known world. Virtually all developed (and some not so developed) countries are racing to shore up sagging economies with public spending. The vanguard is the Obama administration, which has committed or intends to commit at least $2.5 trillion to various government bailouts. Over the long-term there can be only one result from these adventures. Governments around the world will flood the financial system with staggering amounts in government bonds, notes and other securities. Placing them will drive up interest rates, crowd out private-sector borrowers and impede capital formation. Because the global financial system is so thoroughly interconnected and interdependent, no country in the world will escape the impact. The increasing cost of capital will systemically depress economic activity far into the next decade. High and rising interest rates have always been associated with higher inflation and shrinkage in equity investment. The natural rules which govern these affairs have not changed and will never change.

The Harper government was forced to follow the herd by its precarious political position. The threat of parliamentary overthrow is repeated daily. The risk this government runs is that it is not spending enough and not increasing the public debt fast enough to suit the opposition. In this dangerous time, the most raw and irresponsible form of political adventurism is rampant. The NDP Layton is the Snidely Whiplash of Canadian politics. He thinks he is so close to a position of power and influence, which he will never achieve by election, that he can taste it. The alleged anti-Harper coalition of the Liberals, NDP and Bloc was semi-officially abandoned, but its skeleton obviously stands ready in its closet to reconstitute at any time. Meanwhile Ignatieff has assumed the position of overseer of the elected government, an act of stunning pomposity. The risk of parliamentary defeat is still constant, the Harper government is a lame duck, and no number of elections in the predictable future will produce a majority of any party. Canadian politics appear on the path frequented by such as Italy, Israel and other countries where political opinion, represented by dozens of parties, is too fragmented to permit the democratic principle of majority rule to function.

Will the alleged ‘stimulus’ work? It somewhat depends on the definition of success, but whatever the parameters it will be impossible to compare the economic experience of the next few years with what it would have been under some other fiscal strategy. However the history of government economic intervention is not promising. These days mark another waypoint in another cycle, which is the return to uninhibited and unbridled government economic intervention and a retreat from the theory and practice of free enterprise. We already see American financial institutions and automobile manufacturers under the supervision of the U.S. Congress, which consists of ordinary and often dumber-than-average elected politicians with no expertise compared to that of career executives. Their authority comes from financial leverage using taxpayers’ money.

The worldwide drive to stave off recession is really an attempt to restore the spectacularly unsustainable conditions which led to the present troubles. It is plain to see that the prosperity of the last decade has been made possible by over-borrowing, excessively easy access to credit, the conversion of savings into current income and artificial profits from overheated stock and real estate markets. Left on their own, after an adjustment period which could be painful but ultimately very effective, economic conditions would stabilize. Government bail-outs are based on the logically indefensible notion that the economic downturn resulted merely from minor malfunctions in the financial system.

In reality it is probably being demonstrated that if economic demand is not artificially over-stimulated, much less than the full capacity in the leading developed economies can produce all the goods and services required. In other words 90% (or some other percentage well below 100) of productive resources are sufficient to meet 100% of sustainable demand. What we have just been through is the utilization of close to 100% of capacity to meet 110% of sustainable demand.

Back to index






JANUARY 19 2009

Go to your nearest supermarket and see if you can find a brand of frozen vegetables called Europe’s Best. Chances are you that you will; it will be a premium product at a premium price. The brand name will lead you to think that the contents of the package have some connection with the chefs of Europe. Look on the back and you will see that it is a Product of China. If you have been watching the news about food safety in China, and when you realize what you have done, you may not be pleased. I was not.

Country-of-origin labelling is no new idea. Practically no product on the Canadian market which is not illegally mislabelled does not have an identification as to the country in which it was made. Canadian law requires bilingual labelling, so exporting manufacturers have to create unique packaging and labels for the small Canadian market. Even products imported in bulk and re-packaged in Canada must have these labels. If Chinese, Mexican or other suppliers have ever complained about these rules it is not general knowledge. We are so accustomed to using imported products that few of us are queasy about countries of origin. To many people a product from China has the positive connotation of being the cheapest possible and the best value. There is no health safety issue in a package of 12 plastic combs for a dollar.

The trouble with the American country-of-origin (COOL) labelling law was that its purpose was plainly to frustrate Canadian cattle and hog imports. It was designed to torpedo the historic continental market in beef and pork, from which the U.S. benefits as much as Canada. Many years of effort have gone into harmonizing Canadian and American health and quality standards with the objective of making products from either country identical in all respects. The COOL rule was first proposed seven years ago and was a part of both the 2002 and 2007 U.S. farm bills. It was an incredibly determined effort on the part of a fanatic minority of American livestock organizations to find another tool with which to try and block Canadian cattle and hog imports.

The Bush agriculture secretaries, to their credit, were never keen on COOL. They were sensitive to the position of packers and retailers and also the interests of American consumers, which would have been much harmed by the original version of this odious measure. Literally on its way out of office, the Bush administration implemented a COOL variant that everyone can live with.

Of course a new age in continental trade dawns on Jan. 20. If it has been consistent in anything, the Obama ‘team’ has been anti-free-trade. The Congress with its two-house Democratic majority is the most protectionist in modern times and economic stresses arising out of the recession can only make it worse. Canada cannot expect to get reasonable consideration in any trade legislation matter over at least the next four years. Nothing has established that the new rock-star-glamour administration will not attempt to revise the NAFTA agreement, as it committed to do to its supporters on innumerable occasions before and during the election campaign.

Besides NAFTA, there is the World Trade Organization agreement which requires members to refrain from protectionist adventures. But it is NAFTA which created and sustained the very special trade relationship that has existed between Canada and the U.S. for much of a lifetime. Unless and until further events show to the contrary the prudent assumption is that this relationship is at risk. Business models that have relied on the idea of a borderless continent should be critically revisited.

The U.S. is the biggest export market that Canada will ever have. No other destination is as geographically convenient and few other markets can afford Canadian imports, excepting natural-resource commodities priced on a global basis. Canada is also America’s best customer, a fact that is almost never acknowledged. We have more to lose from any impairment of trade relations than the U.S. That implies tolerance for the occasional unfairness brought about by special interests but it does not oblige unconditional surrender.

The Canadian government will have to be prepared to play hardball with the Obama government. The hardest ball we have is petroleum. Our oil and gas exports to the U.S. are critical to American energy sufficiency. While access to this market has allowed the petroleum industry to develop to its potential, the U.S. is not the only game in town. A straightforward pipeline to Prince Rupert would open the whole world to Canadian oil exports. Any Canadian government policy which would categorically rule out the use of this trump card against unfriendly acts of Obama would be plain stupid.

Back to index






DECEMBER 15 2008

Not the Wheat Board director elections, not the criminal insanity in political Ottawa, not the unbelievable gyrations we have seen in the markets, not the dim outlook for the world economic order are fit topics for this, the last column of this tumultuous year. As 2008 melds into 2009, it serves us better to reflect on things that are really important.

This is the time of year when our culture expects us to extend particular affection, regard and appreciation to those close to us. It is too bad it comes but once a year, too bad it seems required and too bad that its expression is so commercially exploited. We can change that in our own lives if we want.

Statistically, about one person in 12 who reads this will have experienced a major personal loss in 2008. As someone who knows a lot about the subject, my deepest sympathy. Time alone does not heal loss and there are losses that nothing can ever heal. But.

We have to carry on, not because we have no choice but because we were not put here to idle our way through life or to find excuses. We are not here for nothing or by some accident. All life is a gift, and to have it in our circumstances is a gift beyond comprehension. But for the great grace of God we could be in Zimbabwe or Gaza. We are a favored, privileged people. How is the manner of the coming into this world assigned? Not the most breathtaking advances of science and technology in centuries yet to come will ever discover it.

What a country. Canada could withstand any government and possibly no government. It has already withstood incredible abuse at the hands of people who tried to remake it in their own image. Excepting our fair share of kooks and criminals, this is a land of decent, reasonable, responsible, empathetic and peaceful people who earnestly strive to make the best with what they have been given. We might not agree on how to do it, but it is plain that collectively we want to improve our country and leave it in better shape than we found it for our children and grandchildren.

The people are the strength of this country, not its resources, not foreign investment, not trade, not its size, not its geography, its scenery or its wildlife. And again we are incredibly lucky to be part of it.

My annual Christmas letter to my grandchildren is about choice, the choices they will have to make as they rocket through adolescence towards adulthood, alarmingly quickly. Nothing determines what people are except the choices they make from the possibilities presented to them. Systemically, it seems the easy option is almost never the right option. People of character and substance know the right thing and do not hesitate to do it, whether it is hard or easy.

Facing up to the necessity of making a choice is often the hardest part. It is best to meet it head on. Postponing or putting off choices is never helpful unless there is an imminent certainty of obtaining new information which will contribute to a more accurate choice.

The world seems designed in such a way that temptations are constantly placed before us, to see if we are sturdy enough to resist them. If we are not sturdy enough we invariably pay a price. There is still, after all this time, no free lunch. There are no shortcuts.

The last of the three employers I have ever had in my life was a company, where I was assistant to the president, whose motto was ‘The Mark of Responsibility.’ The culture was that any difficulty with the product or a customer was an opportunity to react in so outstandingly responsible way and as to cement and solidify the customer relationship. The company, Motor Coach Industries, is today a billion-dollar business and remains the leader in its field. The principle works because it is the proper and correct way to treat not just customers of a business but everyone with whom we come in contact.

We ought to be looking to 2009 with anticipation and enthusiasm. Whatever happens we must resolve to come out alright. We will absorb every shock, survive every disaster, overcome every setback. We will show what we are made of. Our forebears, or we, have come from the ends of the earth to create the miracle that is Canada.

It has been a fine adventure to publish this newsletter, write this column and observe this amazing passing parade from this particular stand for this considerable time. Thank you for making it possible. My very best wishes for the season and for all the times ahead. They will be interesting times, and I look forward to continuing to do what I do, for as long as it has been assigned to me.

Back to index






DECEMBER 1 2008

At five pages including footnotes and references, the C.D. Howe Institute’s critique by Sylvain Charlebois and Richard Pedde of the Canadian Wheat Board's grain selling activities issued on Nov. 20 (A Bushel Half Full) is hardly an exhaustive treatment of the subject. However it was not meant to be an exhaustive treatment and it doesn’t need more than five pages. Its aim was to compare prices for wheat received by farmers in the Wheat Board area with those received by their American counterparts just across the border. (The report is accessible from the Library section of www.agriweek.com.)

The Howe report is based on the Board’s daily price contract program which was operated between 2005 and 2008. It was a pilot program, since replaced by a very similar scheme called FlexPro. Because it was linked to American prices, its results are a legitimate way to assess the Board’s performance against that of the U.S. open market. The report demonstrates that although prices under the DPC program closely followed trends in cash prices in Montana, they were consistently and considerably lower. When it was introduced, the Board told farmers that it expected only a $5-a-tonne differential with American prices. This quickly widened to almost $40. During the period that the DPC was offered, the report estimates that Canadian growers got an average of $32.81 per tonne less than Montana elevator prices.

It is unclear how they determined it, but the report’s authors suggest that the Board may have incurred hedging losses on the DPC program of a disastrous $75 a tonne during 2007-08. Combined with the lower price, a typical western farmer using the DPC could have lost $18,000 a year for three years.

“Prairie farmers deserve objective and accurate assessments of CWB performance”, starts out a Nov. 20 press release from the Board in a sneering reaction to the Howe report. President White “expressed disappointment” that the report “falls far short of that mark.” Of course White or some earlier stand-in has always been disappointed whenever anyone outside the Board has dared to try to independently evaluate its performance. The Board’s side of the story is that during the 2007-08 crop year its pooled returns were “at least” $560 million more than received by “most” U.S. farmers. The claim was based on the assumption that most U.S. spring wheat was sold off the combine at the 2007 harvest before prices began their historic climb. That is obviously a much more theoretical approach to price comparison than taken by the C.D. Howe authors. To complain that the report is superficial is disingenious; the Howe Institute is the top economics think tank in Canada.

The Board contends that the DPC is an obsolete program that cannot be used as an indicator of its overall performance, that prices actually received by American wheat growers are not necessarily those posted by elevators, that it would be impossible to sell all western Canadian grain through the American elevator system, and that the Canadian wheat industry faces structural disadvantages because it must market to a “far more diverse global customer base.”

It is all baloney. Nowhere did the Howe report even hint that western farmers should be free of the monopoly to sell to American elevators. At least 40% of American wheat is exported offshore to many of the same markets that the Board sells to. If the Board is as effective as the U.S. system it should be getting comparable prices from third parties. The inescapable conclusion is that the Board does not match prices offered by the American free market system. Actually, in its response, the Board seemed unable at times to decide whether it was arguing that it gets higher prices or that getting higher prices for Canadian wheat is systemically impossible.

If the DPC is not representative of the Board’s overall results, why isn’t it? You would suppose that the Board would have made a special effort to make the DPC work and that it would welcome any comparisons.

The Howe report does not advocate an end to the monopoly system, nor is the existence of the monopoly an issue in its conclusions. On the last page it says that the Board could be retained but its business model needs to be carefully reformed, and that with proper benchmarking its value to farmers could become more clear, which could be interpreted as a position sympathetic to the Board.

The Howe report referred to a 2002 review of the Board’s operations by the Auditor General of Canada to suggest that farmer-elected directors of the Wheat Board cannot hold management to account for price results because there is a general lack of openness in what management is doing. No one knows how true that is, but it is certainly plausible that in the last few years most of the elected directors have been too busy with left-wing grain politics to notice what was really happening.



Copyright © 2008 Morris W. Dorosh. All rights reserved

Back to index



OCTOBER 20 2008

Politicians who express only contempt and hatred for each other can expect nothing better from the public. This campaign abandoned all pretense to mature, responsible, civil political discourse. No campaign ever before was conducted with such malice, viciousness, deceit, abuse, arrogance, hostility, acrimony or rudeness. Political leaders, especially the opposition, spent more time tearing down proposals of their rivals than explaining their own. The mass media openly and blatantly took sides. It was so bad that the auditor-general of Canada should be directed to investigate the election reporting by the CBC and its ceaseless shilling for left-wing parties at the expense of all taxpayers. No wonder that for every five who voted four didn’t bother, a disgrace for an allegedly-democratic country.

This was an election that deserves to be reviewed in the spirit in which it was conducted.

The Dion Quixote party, at a time of unprecedented tensions in the world financial system and record highs in energy costs, thought voters should be attracted to a carbon tax scheme that would add 11 cents a litre to already-intolerable gas prices. The economy could not withstand this even in the most buoyant of times, and it was really just a smoke-screen scheme to transfer massive wealth among regions to its benefit. The party saw no need to go into detail, substituting trust-us hocus-pocus. It made billions in new spending promises while insisting that it would cut taxes and avoid deficits. An increasingly hysterical Dion Quixote tried to pin the blame on the Conservative government for the consequences of wrong decisions made by his party while in government. With their left-wing comrades, Quixotics advanced the notion that the government party had to be defeated by any means, in the sense that repressive dictatorship juntas in other countries are sometimes removed.

The Yapping Dog Party set its campaign on job losses at a time of historically-low unemployment and with new jobs appearing at nearly a record rate. It proposed to address a non-existent unemployment crisis by persecuting and victimizing employers. Economic performance parameters of Canada are healthier than in almost any other OECD country, but the YDP tried to make the case that the economy is in tatters and needs a radical socialist rescue. A lie is something contended that the liar knows to be untrue and in that category can be placed the YDP’s contention that its smirking, sneering, insulting leader could be actually elected prime minister of Canada.

The Dumpy Frump party posited that all areas of public policy should be conducted according to the kooky koncepts of extremist environmentalism, with even bigger spending and even more aggressive persecution of employers and wealth generators. The Bloc Quadrille continued to dance around national issues to prove again that only in Canada can a political party dedicated to the dismembering of the country be both legally immune to sedition and treason laws and also generously supported by public funds.

The Silent Stephen party is lucky to be alive. Entering the campaign at a time of its choosing with tonnes of money and ample time to prepare and organize, it failed to mount a campaign suited to this political gutter. It could not describe its record in simple, coherent terms, did not provide a believable explanation of the need for the election, failed to counter smear campaigns in the media and highly personalized attacks on Silent Stephen himself, dismissed able campaign officials for trivial transgressions and could not prevent harmful and unnecessary public-relations mis-steps.

No less deceptive than the campaign was the interpretation of the results by party leaders. All the losers were able to seriously insist that they were actually winners. None seemed able to accept the verdict of the voters without reservation or without excuses as good sports and gentlemen would do.

Parliamentary democracy functions if (and only if) political parties develop credible, coherent policy ideas that are distinguishable from those of other parties, explain them honestly in terms that politically-adolescent voters can understand, and put forward able and qualified candidates. Hardly anywhere in this election has any party carried out these functions. The minority parliament will again be the technically unstable, unpredictable and unreliable link in the governing chain. Collusion and conspiracy among opposition parties could yet paralyze it. A minority government, even a decisive minority such as this, is of necessity a weak government when it has never been more necessary to have strong government in Canada.
Back to index






OCTOBER 6 2008

Edward Schreyer, the NDP first premier of Manitoba in the late 1960s and later the Liberal-appointed governor general of Canada and still later an unsuccessful Liberal candidate for parliament for Manitoba, once referred to the members of the opposition in his legislature as “horses and asses.” The characterization came to mind last week when the U.S. house of representatives voted narrowly against the historic financial bail-out proposed by the administration, supported by leaders of both parties and earlier passed by a wide margin in the U.S. senate.

The economic illiteracy and incompetence of the honorable members is more shocking even than their self-serving partisanship. The bail-out would not be justifiable in normal times. But these are not normal times. Any legislator who does not comprehend this is in a place where he or she does not belong. The voters don’t know any better either. The bail-put was resisted mainly because it was seen as putting the taxpayers of America on the hook to rescue banks, investment companies and other immense and much-hated financial corporations and their multi-million-paycheque executives.

Some U.S. legislators defended their votes with the notion that since what was wiped out was paper profit, it is not that important. In reality, in the absence of a gold standard, all profits and losses as well as all assets are paper. That is the world we live in.

The bill failed because only a minority of Republicans in the house of representatives supported it, and only two-thirds of house Democrats. Crude partisan election-season politics intruded into about the only imaginable solution to the worst economic crisis in modern history. The bill was revised and a second attempt was to have been made after this newsletter’s weekly deadline. The hazard was that it might end up even more diluted to persuade a handful of amateur legislators to vote for it.

If these efforts are not successful or are only partly successful, the whole American financial system, which underpins the entire global financial system, will have to reconstruct itself according to some model that no one can know at this time.

The politicians and the public seemed totally unable to grasp what was being proposed. The money is not a hand-out to greedy, corrupt capitalists, financial adventurers, speculators or overpaid CEOs. Accounting rules required that trillions of dollars of mortgage and related assets be written down to zero, shredding balance sheets. Their value is not zero and they are underpinned by real property. The U.S. treasury is the only entity big enough to take over these accounts and hold them until condition s normalize, at which time they will be sold back to the private sector. There could easily be a profit for taxpayers and in the worst case certainly not a loss more than a small part of the $750 billion.

On Sept. 29 U.S. stock market capitalization, responding to the Congressional event, dropped in six hours by almost twice ($1.3 trillion) of the face amount of the initial proposed bail-out. At one point losses were $3 billion per minute. The financial and investment community of the world was counting on this to stabilize the markets.

American taxpayers are by and large the companies whose shares trade on stock exchanges. Upwards of three-quarters of the U.S. adult population has a direct stake in the stock markets because pension and retirement plans are the biggest equity holders. In Canada practically everyone has such a stake because the Canada Pension Plan is also. The multi-trillion-dollar erosion of stock market value in the past month has gone a long way to impoverishing everyone.

One of the two critical questions for Canadian business is how this historic American financial and credit collapse will affect Canada, especially how it will affect the availability of business credit. No well-run business is over-indebted. But the jump in agribusiness dollar sales in the past year has correspondingly increased credit requirements. If lenders suddenly start to pull in credit lines it will be because the rules of the game have suddenly changed. It could happen, and it could happen to the best of agribusinesses.

The other question is the impact on commodity prices. All markets had a rough week, but after the smoke blows away agricultural commodities will emerge in the strongest position of all asset classes. World grain and oilseed demand cannot be met over an extended time at current commodity prices. The basic fundamental of grain and oilseed shortages will soon re-assert itself.

Of all times, the agriculture and food sector is the place to be in this chaotic interval.

Back to index





SEPTEMBER 22 2008

As long ago as January this newsletter and others were talking about a global financial meltdown. In a week in January global stock prices lost 10 to 15% of their value. Crude oil had zoomed to $90 a barrel. Central banks were madly cutting interest rates to restore financial confidence. If only it had ended there. As of last week, following sessions when daily losses exceeded 5%, the Toronto stock index was down 22% from its 52-week high. Crude oil was back in the $90s from an all-time high of $147 a barrel. Central banks the world over are now printing billions in funny money to give to financial institutions to keep them in business. In a 36-hour period last week North American equity securities dropped by the equivalent of the annual GDP of Canada. The same amount has been poured into the U.S. financial system.

It may be hard to believe that such a financial convulsion could be triggered by the ups and downs of the U.S. housing market, but it is exactly so. Over-imaginative new ways to generate funds for residential mortgages led an excess of loan supply, an unjustified building boom and an explosion in real estate prices. Buyers were brought into the market who had no business being there, on the vain theory that constant increases in property values would create hard equity out of nothing. Financial instit utions started a frenzy of borrowing, lending, re-borrowing, refinancing, pyramiding, packaging and repackaging ultra-high-risk debt. The big money houses now falling apart took a cut on each transaction as the same money went round and round. The music stopped and the money is gone. So unthinkable is it to let the chips fall that that the U.S. treasury is making the U.S. taxpayer hold up these mountain ranges of bad debt. Reckless and irresponsible conduct by financial institutions is being rewarded.

Not just conditions in housing but also in corporate equity, consumer and corporate debt and commodity prices became distorted by limitless credit at ridiculously low rates. Too many houses were built because demand was inflated by zero-down mortgages. Demand still exceeded supply, so real estate prices spiralled ever higher. American consumers who saw market prices of their properties zoom could not resist the temptation of converting artificially-enlarged equity into current income, so the economy b oomed. Fearful that the boom might not continue, the U.S. Federal Reserve and other central banks pushed interest rates lower and lower, which simply kept the buying and spending going at unsustainable rates. New and unknown kinds of investments appeared offering irresistible returns compared to traditional, tested instruments. As the last barriers to international money flows disappeared, the consequences spread the world over like a plague.

Now the chickens have come home. Millions of individual home mortgage defaults are growing into a tsunami of bad, unrecoverable debt. The financial system has shifted into reverse. Wealth artificially created, which pumped up the U.S. economy for years and created the illusion of healthy growth, is now vanishing in a most non-artificial way. There is a housing surplus that will take years to work down, during which time far less new construction will be needed. Consumers over their heads in easily-obt ained but hard-to-repay credit may not be spending much on anything except life’s essentials for some while to come.

Mix in the staggering U.S. trade deficit, the even more staggering budget deficit, a new and permanent high plateau in energy costs and the probability of a new regime in Washington unprecedentedly hostile towards investment and business and a predatory attitude to high incomes, and it doesn’t look too good for the U.S.A.

There are two remarkable paradoxes here. First, the Canadian economy will not so much as catch a cold from America’s pneumonia. Second, food commodity and energy markets will barely notice it.

The financial centre of gravity continues to shift to Asia, where economic and standard-of-living trends are entrenched with enormous momentum. The manufacturing economies of China and elsewhere in the region might feel the pinch of reduced American and European imports, but explosive growth of their own consumer economies will absorb most if not all the impact.

The steadily improving standard of living and the emergence of a true middle class in Asia and other developing regions, combined with the fact that the world is very close to the ultimate limit of its capacity to grow food, will insulate the agricultural commodity economy. Agricultural commodities now being one of the very few things that the U.S. can still produce and export at world-competitive prices, farm production and especially exports will always be a bright spot in the American economy, no m atter how catastrophically mismanaged the rest of it is.

Back to index





SEPTEMBER 15 2008

The Conservative government is running against five opposition parties not, as commonly understood, four. The fifth is the alleged Fifth Estate, especially the CBC and the big Toronto and Montreal newspapers. The press will do everything it can to pump up the sickly Liberals, the irrelevant NDP and the zoony Green Party and tear down the Conservatives. A small thing: just note how many times in newspaper, radio and TV news coverage top billing is given to the opposition parties, and how often the Harper government is mentioned last and least, except when there is something negative to say.

That’s why the public is not getting and is not going to get complete poll results. The papers only publicize the results that make the Conservatives look bad, so they didn’t tell you that the latest Environics poll found the Conservative approach to climate change had 68% support compared to 42% for the Liberals’ crazy ‘green shift’. Sixty per cent of those responding said they were satisfied with the way the country is being run, historically a very high number (in the U.S. the same figure is just 32%). Fifty-two percent were not worried or not worried at all about the economic situation in Canada; only 9% were “very worried”, or about the number unemployed and their dependents. A high 44% said the election call for Oct. 14 was justified. Nineteen per cent of respondents said health care is the most important issue facing the country, followed by 13% for the environment, 12% for the economy, 5% for the Afghan war and 5% for gasoline, fuel and energy prices. The poll was conducted for the CBC.

Another poll commissioned by the Globe & Mail showed huge gains in Conservative support in 45 key constituencies considered vital for a parliamentary majority. Instead of making the point that Conservative support has risen dramatically and Liberal and Bloc Quebecois support is disintegrating, the paper said the poll showed a “difficult situation for the opposition” and that Liberal Stephanie Dion “has a lot of work to do.” The Conservative party is derisively referred to as “the Tories”; “Tory” is a four-letter word.

The media is trying to make a point that the election was not necessary and opportunistic. I did not see a single reference anywhere to the election of 1997, which was called by prime minister Jean val Jean while he had a large parliamentary majority, two years before it was necessary solely to extend his time in office in the face of deteriorating poll numbers. Chretien barely made it: the majority was reduced but lasted until 2005.

There were also ridiculous claims that Harper acted illegally by calling the election because of fixed-election date legislation, and even the preposterous suggestion that the governor general would also be acting illegally if she were to grant the request for dissolution. The law fixing election dates is strictly symbolic in a parliamentary system unless it means that the opposition cannot bring down the government any time it wants.

This election is necessary because opposition tactics in parliament have prevented the government from governing. The Harper government has the smallest proportion of seats of any minority government in Canadian history. The opposition has hijacked the committee system. Committee memberships are allocated on a pro-rata basis so all important committees have a majority of opposition members. The opposition parties, especially the Liberals, have learned to use committee inaction to bottle up bills it does not like. Parliament has indeed passed 70 government bills since 2006, including two budget bills, but most were routine and non-controversial. In other respects the government has been prevented from governing, the Canadian Wheat Board Act amendment bill being just one example.

Of course the only people with a black-white view are active supporters of parties including the thousands of volunteers and party operatives. For the rest of us it is a choice of what has been presented to us. The Conservative government has not been a conservative government. It has drastically increased federal spending and has done next to nothing to reduce the size and intrusiveness of government. It has cut taxes until it hurts, bringing a deficit into view, but in the wrong places. It has sustained the war in Afghanistan and some time during the election campaign the 100th Canadian military casualty will occur, which will be 100 more than that entire ridiculous part of the world is worth to Canada and Canadian interests.

But just look at the alternatives and weep. No wonder millions have decided that the Conservatives deserve a proper chance.

Back to index





AUGUST 25 2008

The Maple Leaf listeria incident has been another blow to the image of Canada as a reliable source of safe food, and once again the childish and incompetent mass press can take most of the credit. No food processing plant anywhere is completely secure from bacterial contamination or infection of its premises and its products. No intensity or amount of government inspection that the food industry and consumers could afford can eliminate all the risk. In fact inspection and enforcement of government reg ulations can be counter-productive. Listeria is by no means rare; approximately 10,000 cases and 500 deaths are attributed to listeriosis in the U.S. annually in incidents that are practically not publicized. It is one of at least half a dozen food-borne risks that are constantly present in food processing and distribution. The company acted as responsibly as it is possible to act in the circumstances in recalling product and alerting the public. Now it faces, among other things, numerous class-action lawsu its seeking unlimited alleged damages, as well as a protracted decline in consumer demand for products of the affected type.

It takes the lowest form of life to take an incident like this and use it for political purposes, as assorted enemies of the Harper government gleefully did, especially in promoting the notion that cabinet ministers are personally responsible for everything that can possibly happen. The most important lesson from this incident has been lost, at least on the mass press. It is the speed and extent with which food products move through the distribution chain and the potential for spreading infection as a result of deliberate, calculated terrorist acts.

It is literally impossible to completely prevent such threats, and there is no sign that such risks are receding. Sooner or later, probably in the U.S. sooner than in Canada, an incident will occur in which the food supply is sabotaged by terrorist action.

It is dismayingly easy to do. It happens that the food processing industry attracts workers from visible minorities in disproportionate numbers. No one could possibly distinguish a new employee who is a terrorist operative from a new employee who is not. There are critical points in every industrial process where malicious intervention is easily possible. It could be undetected for days or weeks and it is likely the guilty would never be caught.

There are scores of poisons and pathogens that could be used to contaminate the food supply. The worst-case is a co-ordinated action at a number of food processing facilities at the same time that would complicate investigation and frustrate recalls and controls. It could precipitate a national and international crisis. It would be devastating, more than necessarily so because of the uncanny ability and enthusiasm of the media to sensationalize such events. The newspapers and television are perfectly capable of inciting panic.

Highly-processed foods are actually not the best targets for terrorist action. Packaged foods are meticulously identified and tracked through the distribution system. Much bigger problems would arise with commodity-type foods such as fresh meat and grain.

Suppose that a terrorist group were to announce that all the wheat that passed through Memphis during the first two weeks of August was contaminated with anthrax spores. Wheat is not routinely tested for anthrax. In two weeks half of it would have been moved through Gulf ports to export. If the claim were bogus and no contamination actually occurred, it would still take herculean efforts by the government food safety system to investigate, test and then convince the pubic that it was all a hoax. If in spection found even one contaminated lot the problem would compound exponentially.

For a clue as to what would happen next it is only necessary to recall the Starlink corn crisis of 1995-96. Starlink was a genetically-modified strain of corn which was approved for animal feed use but not human food. Small amounts of this strain found their way into the general corn supply, leading to import regulations by Japan that required testing of all shipments and Starlink-free certification by the U.S. agriculture department. The Japanese only stopped testing all incoming U.S. corn for Starli nk traces earlier this year.

Sometimes it seems that food safety issues are overdone and overblown. Food safety security and assurance no longer represent a competitive asset. Absolute purity, integrity and safety of foods are the expected, assumed thing. Yet despite the best efforts of industry and suppliers it may be increasingly difficult to deliver. Stand by for the next crisis, real or imagined.

Back to index





AUGUST 4 2008

Remember the name Kamal Nath. He is the trade minister of India and he is personally responsible for the failure of the Doha Round last week to produce a new trade agreement favorable to exporting countries. Mr. Nath, who often walks out of meetings that are not going his way, was the Doha Round’s Khruschev. He attacked and berated developed countries as “self-righteous” while taking the most inflexible attitude on the basic principles on which the World Trade Organization was founded. He put himself up as the champion of the small (that is, poor) farmers of the world, claiming he would not negotiate away their interests, which he said would be harmed if they had to compete with imports from advanced countries. It was apparently beyond Nath’s comprehension that cheap import competition arises from rich countries’ subsidies which the Round sought to rein in. After torpedoing the talks, Nath was quoted as saying “I’m very disappointed this had to be the final result.”

India made a compact with China, and between them they attracted a following of insignificant but numerous WTO members, some of which (Venezuela, Cuba) had bigger political than economic motives. The gang of two was inexplicably joined by Brazil, which is the one country that had most to gain from removal of impediments to agricultural exports, making a gang of three.

The Indian government, which is stridently left-wing and interventionist, nearly fell on a confidence vote last week and an election must be held within 10 months. Nath’s government does not represent its own people.

A few years ago great effort was made, led by the U.S., to bring China into WTO membership. Neither China nor India, nor also a couple of dozen other countries, belong in the WTO because they have centrally-planned economies in which market influences are feeble. No government that controls its internal economy is likely to observe external rules. India and China are both notorious for ignoring WTO obligations without consequences. India in particular systematically keeps out imports that it does not need. China gobbles up the world supply of goods, especially raw materials, which it requires but finds ways to block unwanted imports or those which would reduce its power over the internal economy.

It was a great mistake to expand the WTO in the attempt to include the whole world in a free-trade alliance, which turns out not to be an alliance and is not advancing free-trade principles. Members such as China and India enjoy the best of both worlds: they have the right of access to others’ markets to which membership entitles them while controlling imports as if there were no WTO. If it had the choice, practically no government would ever agree to take unlimited imports unconditionally. But more enlightened, sophisticated and responsible members of the international community than China and India understand that they must open their markets if they want others to open theirs, and that by obliging domestic industries to compete with imports they make their domestic economies stronger.

Recent events make a very good case for kicking China and India right out of the WTO club, stopping the process of inducting Russia and summarily removing trade concessions and preferences that these cancerous countries have obtained by membership. The WTO should be an organization of like-minded trading countries who organize together for their mutual benefit. Expelling these countries would have practically no effect on other members’ exports to them, since they only take what they need already.

Meanwhile, there are some places in Canada where the disintegration of the Doha Round is celebrated. The directors of the Canadian Wheat Board might feel they have one less thing to worry about in preserving their own brand of monopoly economics. It was a foregone conclusion that any WTO agreement at all would have made maintaining the monopoly difficult and retaining open-ended government backstops to the Board’s financial adventures impossible. Ditto the supply management community; the trend late i n the Geneva negotiations was not favorable and not enough room would have been allowed for prohibitive tariffs on special products to keep supply management intact. The best outcome for the marketing boards was the status quo. If these folks are happy, the Harper government is probably even happier that it does not have to deal with the transitional and quota buy-out issues that could have been raised by a successful agreement. Now it can say how deeply it regrets the breakdown of the talks but also that i t “stood firm for Canadian farm families” in preventing international tampering with supply management.

Back to index





JULY 21 2008

This is not the first time that a downturn has occurred in the general continental and global economy while the farm economy boomed, assuming that indeed a global recession is unfolding. Past cyclical upticks in farm prices resulted from poor weather. This one is due to the fact that demand for food is pressing on the ultimate capacity to grow it. For mostly unrelated reasons, prices of other basic commodities, from energy to precious metals, are also high because of surging demand and finite capacit y to produce.

Higher commodity prices are at the root of clearly intensifying inflation pressure. The consumer price index in the U.S. passed 5% last week, an important benchmark. Rising inflation has always been followed by a tightening of credit to deliberately slow economic activity. Out-of-whack economic forces are supposed to be brought into line, setting the stage for a new growth phase of the cycle.

However this may not work as in the past, given unusual present circumstances. The continuing fiscal and budget irresponsibility of the U.S. government, the unprecedented economic cost of middle east wars and particularly the staggering increase in energy costs make a much more threatening combination.

Oil prices have risen 350% since the spring of 2004 in U.S. dollar terms and by 265% in euros. The erosion in the relative value of the American dollar and loss of confidence in it as a store of value is a huge complication. The American trade deficit in manufactured goods is further inflated by the additional cost of imported oil. Budget discipline has been abandoned as billions more have gone to prop up shaky American financial institutions which are in trouble for reasons of their own creation.

Higher food prices are historically overdue because prices have been prevented from finding their true values by the billions spent on farm subsidies. That the adjustment coincides with so many other stresses makes this the perfect storm. Commodity prices are being driven by demand which may or may not show predictable responses to persistently higher prices. It is clearer than ever that food is by far the most necessary of the necessities of life.

Supply-demand patterns in food parallel those in energy. After three years of unprecedented energy price increases consumption in the western world continues to grow. There is a price for crude oil which will cause consumption to fall off and create a temporary oil surplus, but it has not been discovered yet and is probably more than $140 a barrel. Oil use in the western world will have to fall by significantly more than the rate of increase in Asia before the needed oil surplus develops.

With the global economy now more tightly integrated than ever, it should follow that recessionary effects and consequences will domino around the globe. Not necessarily so. The emerging, massive consumer markets in China, India and elsewhere in Asia may be highly recession-resistant. So may the petro-economies of the middle east and Russia. It can be safely considered impossible that China’s 10% growth rate can drop to zero. American and European export markets are less important to the goods-producin g economies of Asia because their own domestic demand is exploding. Asian inflation has likely been worsened by consumer competition for locally-produced goods rendered scarce because much production is exported.

An interesting possibility is being presented. Nothing can now happen to create a price-depressing food, feed or fibre surplus. Even mild recession in the U.S. (and eventually in Canada) should in time reverse inflationary trends and reduce or at least stabilize agricultural production costs and the cost of doing business. Meanwhile commodity prices keep rising as high-population, rising-income countries continue to aggressively import food and feed. Now there’s a perfect storm.

Back to index





JULY 7 2008

What’s in store for the Canadian grain economy from developments in the U.S. and the world? It’s going to be a turbulent time and unexpected disappointments look more likely than pleasant surprises.

First to wheat. If it were not for shortages of literally all other crops wheat prices would be in the tank. All the wheat news seems good for buyers and bad for sellers. Each monthly forecast for world production in 2008-09 has been higher. Last week U.S. wheat prices were still in the $8-a-bushel range but they have peaked for the marketing year. Wheat harvests are beginning in major producing areas, including the U.S., western Europe and the Black Sea area. Soon the marginal sellers who have been o ut of wheat for up to several months will have plenty. Countries which grow most of the wheat they need will drop out of the market because their wheat harvests are starting too. In a few weeks it will turn into a buyer’s market. There will be severe pressure on export prices that could last into the new year. The wheat-corn spread will narrow further.

Wheat growers in Ontario will also be harvesting their record crop soon and a record amount will have to be exported. Ontario soft wheat can be very competitive in certain export markets because transportation costs are comparatively low, even relative to U.S. eastward exports from points like Toledo. Wheat will be nicely profitable for Ontario, at least compared to recent years.

The Canadian Wheat Board will not be able to match 2007-08 pool prices in the 2008-09 pools. The best demand will be for lower-grade wheat priced to compete with corn. Western Canada, thanks to decades of obsolete strategy largely promoted by the Board, offers high-grade wheat. The quality differentials between grades and types will narrow and premiums for high protein will be weak. The record-wide spread between durum and other hard wheats will return to more traditional ranges. The Board’s entire ap proach to selling (“We have all the wheat in western Canada, so we’ll make you an offer you can’t refuse”) will work against top prices. Western wheat growers would be well advised to plan to hold as much 2008-crop wheat into the 2009-10 crop year as they can afford. When the time comes to plant winter wheat this fall for 2009 harvest it will be clear that acres would be better put into corn and soybeans in the spring. By late in the 2008-09 crop season or at the latest in 2009-10 (the summer of 2009) the m arket should be seeing less production, strengthening prices and less buyer price resistance.

It looks like the Board will be marketing barley for at least another year, which is more bad news for growers. High corn prices appear to be having less pull on barley. Despite the outlook for a smaller crop, off-Board barley prices have not been keeping up. This is better news for livestock feeders because their disadvantage against U.S. corn users is getting less. Prices to growers will be good historically but they will not compare with other crops.

The only trouble with canola is that there is not enough of it. A global soybean shortage is inexorably developing. South American acreage and production gains have slowed. Palm and other vegetable oil prices are high. The soybean market is being driven by insatiable demand fro oil from China and meal from Europe and Asia. Soybean meal prices in the past year have posted among the biggest gains of any crop product, more than doubling in the past year. Both meal and oil prices will stay high through 20 08-09 and beyond and canola will benefit from the oil side. By late 2009 and 2010 canola prices will also benefit from increased domestic crush capacity, which will shrink low-margin exports.

Oats is an enigma. U.S. prices have not tracked corn as closely as they usually do and the reason is ample supply. American farmers mostly can no longer afford to grow oats, but U.S. buyers know that Canada has all the oats they will ever need.

The most profitable crops for 2009 will be corn and soybeans in eastern Canada, where winter wheat area planted this fall is likely to drop.

Flax is now a specialty crop, and the supply for 2008-09 promises to be so thin as to continue to support record prices. Many farmers are likely to hold off selling until next summer, which should be an effective strategy. The pulse crops are predictably unpredictable; crop results in several high-consumption countries as well as the quality of the 2008 Canada harvest will set the market tone, however there is no reason to expect prices to weaken much from current very satisfactory levels. The price o f peas will benefit from the soybean meal shortage and high prices, but markets are quite limited.
Back to home